We have launched antifeministpraxis.com because we felt it was time to build a robust post-manospheric platform for the activated non-feminist sector. This project is the result of much working and reworking, and many talks that stretched far into the night. We realize that we have fallen short of explaining what this is all about, so we are taking another swing at it here.
At Praxis, we address the feminist problem in a style that eschews male identity politics and moves beyond the legacy discourse. We bring counter-feminist analysis to bear upon this task, and we give a green light to outside-the-box thinking. Our practice flows from a political ethos called “Strict Anti-feminism” — or SAF for short. (The SAF Manifesto will bring you up to speed.)
To us, it is axiomatic that feminism is irredeemable. Few things could interest us less than to “bicker” with feminists in the hope that they will somehow see the light. If we want to engage them at all, we will, but for the most part we won’t. Our approach is post-argumental, which means that we speak in the full power of non-feminist authority. We simply tell it like it is.
We are concerned with three key questions, each of which opens the door to a realm of sub-questions. You might say that SAF discourse is a continual meditation upon these questions, since nearly all of our talk embraces one or more of them:
1.) What is feminism?
2.) Where do non-feminist people stand?
3.) What is to be done?
Under the legacy discourse, nearly all anti-feminist politics has been branded by an androcentric (male-identitarian) voice — the “men speaking as men” voice. For better or worse, this voice has represented the non-feminist revolution in the public mind.
Under the SAF mandate, anti-feminist politics assumes the ecumenical voice of the non-feminist world in general, and this establishes that the non-feminist revolution has more than one voice. That is a paradigm-shift whose implications will become clear as time goes on.
The meaning of “strict” anti-feminism is that opposition to feminism should be differentiated from promoting male interest in a subjectively male way. Furthermore, this differentiation should be clearly understood by the world at large and not merely by the practitioners. Take note of that last point: we are talking about a political division of labor reflected in both popular and private language.
This is not to suggest that politics “in a male voice” will disappear. Such politics will perk along as always, and most of it will have the customary anti-feminist flavor. Our point is that anti-feminism must also be harnessed solo, as a task force under specialized discipline, free of male-identitarian baggage.
After all, this is is 2017 — the current year no less! We are growing a different tree in a more complex political landscape shaped by Toronto, Gamergate, WomenAgainstFeminism, developments in England, and yes … Donald Trump.
SAF operates on the conceptual model of “feminism’s wrongs” rather than the longstanding “men’s rights”. In this new model, the statement “look what feminism has done to the world” takes a top-category position. Further down the chart will be found feminism’s specific wrongs against men — which are numerous and grave. However, “men’s rights” remains a secondary narrative within the overarching construct of feminism’s wrongs.
It is rich and satisfying, no doubt, to speak “de profundis” from an existential place of maleness. There is nothing wrong with this. However, that does not make it politically efficient to center your message upon male pathos. The masses don’t respond well to such a tonality.
We focus narrowly upon the feminist problem because this simplifies and streamlines our work. We don’t want anybody (feminists especially) to change the subject. We want to concentrate the energy, we want to situate the conversation, and we don’t want mission drift to creep in.
There is, understandably, nothing the feminists dread more than anti-feminism. They will do whatever it takes to prevent that force from advancing in society, and for them prevention starts in the microcosm of everyday conversation.
Accordingly, since feminism itself is a necessary gateway topic to the feminist problem at large, they will evade this topic. Such talk, after all, might pull feminism itself within range of critical thinking, and problematize it.
You might think that feminists do nothing BUT talk about feminism, but you would be mistaken. Feminist talk is informed by feminism, suffused by feminism, dripping with feminism — yet not properly about feminism at all. What they actually talk about is feminist theories, feminist issues, feminist talking points, feminist narratives, feminist histories, feminist conceits, and so on — everything but feminism itself.
So you could say that all of their talk is a deflection from feminism’s problematic core truth: they don’t talk about feminism because they talk around it.
In the end, only a non-feminist mind is fit to explain feminism. That is where activated non-feminist people, as a task force, step into the picture. We are fit to explain feminism because we exist outside of feminism, so that even if the view is not lovely, we are uniquely situated to see feminism for what it is. Furthermore (which ought to be obvious) we have no vested interest in feminism’s preservation.
Above all, we are willing to ask hardball philosophical questions, over and over again, even at the risk of looking geeky. We will not let those questions get overshadowed or shoved aside.
Antifeministpraxis.com furnishes a platform, and a cyberspace focal point, for those who wish to address the feminist problem in this new way. At Praxis, we take the non-feminist revolution to the next level.
More than that, we take it to the streets. We furnish a growing library of counter-feminist pamphlets which can be printed and distributed in the offline world, and a selection of other literature too.
Finally, we provide a Craigslist-style contact resource for anti-feminists who want to arrange meetups in real life.
At Praxis, we welcome non-feminist men and women from everywhere on Earth — as commenters, as contributing writers, as community members. We wish to activate the great fund of raw intellectual talent that lies dormant within the non-feminist sector.