What is Feminism?
Feminism is an ideology that seeks to elevate women with the avowed purpose of gaining what it calls “equal rights”. This happens under the pretext that men throughout history have benefited from keeping women in a limited role. Feminist activism takes the form of a class struggle, and this struggle provides a rationale for feminists who wish to ignore the male side of the equality issue — the “patriarchal” side, as they like to call it.
Feminists have great political power, having reformulated laws and policies through the lens of patriarchy theory. For example, the Duluth model of domestic violence, which names men as a perpetrator class and women as a victim class, is based upon such theory. This model fails to address the root causes of abuse and completely neglects male victims but is used in hundreds of cities nonetheless. See Hannah Wallen’s video to learn more about how this operates. Furthermore, feminist lobbying groups such as NOW have fought against equal custody laws for many years. Again, I am linking to Hannah Wallen’s research – see The Feminist Crusade Against Fatherhood.
Feminism can easily be compared to a religion — Alison Tieman’s “Church of Women-Worsting”, for example, maps this theme elegantly. Even though self-identified feminists are greatly outnumbered by the non-feminist majority, a number of people roughly share certain ideas attributed to feminism such as that of a wage gap, a rape culture, a glass ceiling, and the notion that domestic violence and rape are perpetrated mainly by men against women. Overall, most people judge cultures on how well they treat their women, even if these people do not label themselves as feminist. Feminists know this. They are able to tap into this and garner politically naive support for the feminist project from people who fail to understand that project in full.
This “woman-firsting” (or gynocentrism) fogs a society’s ability to properly judge equality (if that is the goal), but moreover, feminists have captured a monopoly as the arbiters of truth where such judgements are concerned. Most people harbor a sentimental (emotionally-based) belief that men and women should have equal opportunities and be held to equal account under the law. However, if you experiment independently to learn how men and women differ (legally or otherwise) you will be expected to work within a feminist-dominated academic framework with its chosen instruments already calibrated to verify the feminist narrative and worldview. This binds you to the intellectual gravity field of that narrative and worldview, so that the end product of your studies will always be. . . more feminism.
Where do non-feminist people stand, and what is to be done?
Politically awakened non-feminist people would like to open new laboratories, (i.e. schools of thought) to resolve the conundrums of “equality”, or perhaps go back to the drawing board altogether and devise new ways of judging societies based on some other metric than how they treat their female members.
With this analogy in mind, one of the first solutions I’d argue for is a rejection of feminism’s monopoly on how we measure “equality” in the first place. That is, we must reject the misinformation that feminism propagates, along with the idea that man-woman relations may only be examined through a feminist lens. That is not to say that the feminist perspective should be snuffed out, but that we’d be better served by conducting non-feminist research and exploring these matters in a non-feminist light. With that comes the need to protect free speech and open debate, along with more non-feminists willing to challenge the intellectual status-quo in a variety of outspoken ways.
Victory, as I see it, would involve a retraction of feminist perspective in law and policy (including domestic and sexual violence, family court, the gender disparity in criminal court and affirmative action and quotas) along with more, public and vocal, schools of thought on man-woman dynamics. It may be evolutionary psychology based studies or meritocracy based platforms or something no one has though of yet. I don’t wish to destroy feminism, but I do want feminist ideas to “take their lumps” like any other ideology in the marketplace of ideas. By virtue of such critique, I am confident that feminism will be exposed as an ideology of narrow-minded assumptions.
As the paradigm shift moves into full swing, I hope that fewer people will self-censor and that they will boldly exercise the freedom to be questioners.
In my opinion, this universal critique of feminism should become a permanent part of the culture; once started, there is no turning back. Both academics and the general public should be involved, and each group may bring its own special skill sets to bear upon the work. The three foundational questions that I have addressed here are only the beginning, since they are meant to spawn further questions, and further discussions based upon those questions, all in a non-feminist vein.